“If we orient ourselves according to these four points, we will be able to prepare ourselves for the next period of our development, in which we will be born as a political Party that has conquered our proletarian class independence, backed by the force of the worker masses.
It is only in this future – not yet discernible, and only inevitable if we handle the present correctly – that we will be able to light the sky and drive out both the plague and the Plague God – both deadly viruses and the imperialist bourgeoisie that exceeds them in its virulence – and bid farewell to them both.”
Download PDF: FOUR POINTS OF ORIENTATION IN THE CURRENT CRISIS
Mao’s poem “Farewell to the Plague God,” in his own handwriting, published in Renmin Ribao (People’s Daily), 1958.
“The people waved their silvery iron hoes and their solid arms to build water conservancy and renovate mountains and rivers, shaking the earth. / Ask the Plague God, where are you going? People burn paper money, light candles, and light the sky to send the Plague God away.”
— from Mao Tse-tung, “Farewell to the Plague God,” 1958, a poem he wrote after learning that schistosomiasis had been wiped out in Yukiang County, Kiangsi.
Download the PDF of our Basis of Unity Document here: On Mass Rebellions and Correct Ideas
“The Maoist conception of correct political ideas is that principles, line, and program have their foundation, more or less mediated, in ideas produced in mass rebellions, rather than in ideas generated by the daily struggle.”
Members of the Tachai Party branch committee study together with commune members.
This statement by the Maoist Communist Group was published and posted on the walls of the occupied New School cafeteria during the May 2018 worker’s struggle. This piece was written to clarify our positions regarding various false ideas that circulated during the occupation, which were amplified by the publication of a dishonest opinion piece in the New School Free Press. We welcomed response posters by other organizations and individuals. We believe that in order to advance the struggle to victory we must engage in great debates and an open exchange of ideas.
Our view is that only through democratic ideological struggle can we reinforce the camp of the people against the class enemy. This is what communists have meant, beginning with Marx, by the dictatorship of the proletariat, the transitional state between class society and communism, a society without classes or a state. The dictatorship of the proletariat is not a dictatorship over the proletariat and the people, but the widest democracy for the proletariat and the people, and dictatorship over the class enemies who want to restore the old system. And this is precisely how we thought that the cafeteria worker’s struggle should be conducted. For only a vigorous democracy for the popular forces of students, workers, and outside supporters allowed the camp of struggle to dictate the workers’ demands to the enemy, to impose a victorious resolution on the university administration and its allies.
READ MORE: For the Political Organization of the Working Class (PDF)
“By summing up experience, we can discern the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and the contradictions among the people, draw a clear distinction between these two types of contradictions, make an appropriate analysis — which by and large conforms to the actual situation — of what was right and what was wrong about each of us and his achievements and shortcomings in the work we have done, and promote the correct ideas and overcome the erroneous ones. This will enable us to strengthen our unity against the enemy…”
– From On Summing Up Experience, Editorial of “Hongqi,” 1969
Read and download here (PDF)
RELATED: The Great Debaters Part 1: Police Violence, excerpts from a mass meeting of the Struggle Committees Initiative (referenced in “A Beginning: Forging Links with the Masses in a Popular Neighborhood”).
The New Communist Party (Organizing Committee) recently held its 2nd Congress, and renamed itself the Maoist Communist Group.
Our new name reflects the central task of the moment: ideological consolidation, and in particular, the forging of a principled unity regarding what we mean by ‘Maoism.’ Only in this way can we lay the foundation on which a Maoist Communist Party can be built.
At our 1st Congress in 2013, we embraced an empiricist distortion of Maoism, in which we conceived Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a simple and undifferentiated addition of the various historical achievements of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. This descriptive—that is, ideological—account of Maoism was reflected in our former Principles of Unity. We are now approaching the problem of constructing a genuine theoretical concept of Maoism via the opposite path, namely: what are the ruptures through which Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is constituted?
Our old name and certain of our old documents were the product of a damaging subjectivism. We failed in carrying out the supreme duty of every communist: to carry out a concrete analysis of the concrete situation. Our new name more accurately represents what we are in the current political conjuncture.
What is presented below is our Founding Statement, which we intend to be a living document. We are currently developing our political line on the national question and the question of women’s oppression, among other issues. We will carry out a conjunctural class analysis of the US in the future.
The Maoist Communist Group aims to bring to the masses the task of building their own Maoist Communist Party of a new type, which will be a weapon that can lead the working class and the broad masses in the building of political power, with the objective of smashing the bourgeois state and establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat. Our current task is to forge a principled unity from which the question of party construction can be posed to the masses. Without ideological and political consolidation—that is, if we forbid nothing and permit everything—we open up the political field to interventions by opportunists, both right and ‘left.’ The first order of the day is thus to articulate a proletarian political line that can be creatively applied to the conditions of the class struggle from which it emerges. We appeal to all revolutionaries to join us in this task. (more…)